Cognizant of the fact that under the terms of the loan agreement signed between the Republic of Uzbekistan and the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development, privatization and restructuring of a number of commercial banks is to take place, the Cabinet of Ministers has ordered a bureau for the privatization of Uzbek banks to be set up. This is being organized under the Finance Ministry and has the right of a juridical person. The bureau has an authorized fund of 35m soms. Its main tasks include: to draw up and implement a strategy for the privatization of commercial banks, taking into account the priorities of structural reform; to carry out privatization of banks on an individual basis; and to monitor the implementation of government decisions on privatization of banks involving strategic investors.

The same resolution founds a state tender commission to sell state holdings in banks to potential investors. Asaka Bank, Uzpromstroybank [Industrial Construction Bank], Pakhta Bank [Cotton Bank], the National Bank for Foreign Economic Activities and other commercial banks in whose authorized funds the state has a holding are involved in the bank privatization and restructuring.

The International Bank for Reconstruction and Development granted Uzbekistan a 25m-dollar loan in May 1999 to implement the project for the institutional development of the finance sector. The funds have been used to improve the corporate management system in commercial banks and strengthen the regulatory and control functions of the Uzbek Central Bank. The total cost of the project is 29.97m dollars, of which the government of Uzbekistan has allocated 4.97m dollars.

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According to the border service, the curfew had been imposed because of frequent power cuts in the Region's densely-populated Saryagach District, which borders on Uzbekistan and where the main Kazakh border and customs posts are located.

It said that because of power cuts the border posts were practically not lit at all at night which made the inspection of vehicles difficult. In addition, a number of South Kazakhstan border posts are not connected to power transmission lines at all. The Regional police department could not say how long the curfew on the Kazakh-Uzbek border would last. The border between South Kazakhstan Region and Uzbekistan is 1,200km-long.

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Уже вторую зиму в Бишкеке горожане перекрывают дороги, устраивая пикеты, с требованием дать тепло, газ. В нынешнем году ситуация была особенно взрывоопасной, поскольку вопрос о повышении тарифов на электроэнергию был решен окончательно в пользу МВФ. Как и принятая парламентом Концепция разгосударствления энергосистемы республики, а попросту - приватизации одной из стратегических отраслей республики. Все это вызвало не просто политические дебаты, а социальное недовольство в обществе. Причины понятны. Приватизация давно ассоциируется с обманом, к тому же влекущим за собой новое повышение цен на электроэнергию. А уровень жизни остается на прежней отметке, повышения заработной платы и пенсий в ближайшем будущем не предвидится.

Узбекистан давно играет в газовые игры с Киргизией. Не говоря о том, что продает газ по мировым ценам. Бишкек, связанный все эти годы зависимостью от соседей, при отсутствии достаточных средств для оплаты узбекского газа вынужден погашать долги бартером. Но узбеки не на все соглашаются, требуя в основном продукты питания, зерно. На это уходит и вся западная гуманитарная помощь Киргизии.

В последние годы в Киргизии на депутатском уровне стал активно муссироваться вопрос о продаже узбекам воды из самого крупного Токтогульского водохранилища, которой они пользуются давно и безвозмездно. Если природный газ - товар, то почему вода не должна иметь стоимости? Вот вопрос, который встал перед руководством Киргизии, до сих пор не имевшим политической воли даже для того, чтобы намекнуть на это официальному Ташкенту.

Мало того, в январе этого года после очередного отключения подачи газа Киргизии правительственная делегация Узбекистана во главе с заместителем премьер-министра Рустамом Юнусовым, прибывшая в Баткен (Ошская область), в обмен на газ потребовала территориальных уступок со стороны Киргизии. Предполагалось, что широкий проход должен соединить узбекский анклав Сох с прилегающей к нему территорией в 11 тыс. га киргизской земли, где расположены месторождения нефти и газа. В свое время Киргизия, ссылаясь на отсутствие возможностей заниматься их добычей самостоятельно, предоставила Узбекистану право эксплуатации своих запасов энергетического сырья. Но узбекистанские требования вынудили киргизское правительство в лице нового премьер-министра Курманбека Бакиева принять превентивные меры.

Бережно сохраняемая в Токтогульском водохранилище вода была направлена нынешней зимой на выработку дополнительной электроэнергии, чтобы компенсировать жителям республики отсутствие газа. Это привело уже сегодня к критическому сокращению объема воды, что, в свою очередь, вызовет дефицит воды в бассейне Сырдарьи в вегетационный период. То есть демарш с отключением газа Киргизии в зимний период фактически привел к тому, что Узбекистан не получит воду в летний период на полив хлопчатника и других сельскохозяйственных культур. Можно предположить, что Каримов попытается оказать давление на киргизское руководство и заставит сбросить воду Узбекистану, но это уже чревато для Киргизии опасностью остаться следующей зимой без света и тепла. А это уже серьезно.

Однако узбеки быстро осознали, что перегнули палку с газом и территориальными претензиями. Остаться летом без поливной воды - это значит не просто обречь миллионное население Ферганской долины на засуху, но и лишить людей средств существования, что может вызвать такой социальный взрыв в Узбекистане, о котором не могли даже мечтать лидеры ИДУ.

В конце февраля в Бишкек срочно прилетел премьер-министр Узбекистана Уткир Султанов. "Мы нашли взаимоприемлемое решение, которое опровергает слухи, о том, что Узбекистан имеет цель аннексировать территорию Киргизии", - сказал киргизским журналистам Султанов на пресс-конференции после переговоров с киргизской стороной.

По его словам, между Киргизией и Узбекистаном нет разногласий в пограничных вопросах. Султанов пояснил, что прекращение поставок природного газа в Киргизию в январе текущего года было связано с технологической аварией на промысловом газопроводе и после восстановительных работ подача топлива будет возобновлена в полном объеме.

Киргизский премьер отметил, что во избежание сложных ситуаций из-за возможных аварий на газопроводе в будущем бедная энергоресурсами Киргизия все же постарается максимально увеличить добычу угля и нефти и сократить объемы поставок газа из Узбекистана.

"Мы в составе делегации имеем достаточно полномочных должностных лиц, которые сегодня ведают энергетическим и водным обеспечением. Они нашли базу в своих отношениях, вопрос поставок газа и воды решится в считанные дни", - сказал узбекский премьер. С 28 февраля 2001 года увеличена подача природного газа из Узбекистана на Бишкекскую ТЭЦ в объеме 77 тыс. куб. м в час (ранее поставлялось 44 тыс. куб. м в час).

Подписывая мировое соглашение с Узбекистаном, давая обязательства по подаче воды этим летом в соседнюю республику, киргизское правительство выставило в ответ смешные требования снизить акцизы на импортные товары из Киргизии, а также прекратить взимание платы в 300 долл. за транзит автомобилей и автобусов через территорию Узбекистана. В адрес правительства Киргизии уже поступило сообщение из Ташкента, свидетельствующее о том, что уже предпринимаются определенные шаги в соответствии с договоренностями, достигнутыми во время рабочего визита узбекистанской делегации в Бишкек.

Во все таможенные учреждения Узбекистана направлены правительственные телеграммы о приостановлении до особого распоряжения взимания сборов в размере 300 долл. с транспортных средств, следующих из Киргизии. Однако это лишь полумеры, которые никак не скажутся на подъеме киргизской экономики. Не столь велик товарооборот, чтобы поднять его за счет снижения акцизов. Узбекистан готов идти на эти уступки, понимая жизненную важность воды. Только вот как Киргизия будет выходить из ситуации, когда для выработки электроэнергии у самих не будет необходимого количества воды? Если сегодня возмущается население Бишкека и в какой-то степени Чуйской области, то следующей зимой останется без источников электроэнергии вся республика. Стоимость тонны угля, с точки зрения нищего киргиза, просто астрономическая. Деревья вблизи населенных пунктов давно вырублены. Прежде чем подписывать какие-либо соглашения с Узбекистаном, у киргизского правительства должен был сработать инстинкт самосохранения. Тем более что население Бишкека в условиях ежегодного газового кризиса как-то приноровилось обходиться без газа и готово было к переходу на электроэнергию. Именно здесь и сейчас было возможно применение шоковой терапии, которое впоследствии избавило бы Киргизию от газовой зависимости.

А Узбекистан нашел бы выход из положения. Ведь у него есть свои водные запасы на Андижанском и Папанском водохранилищах. Однако, пойдя сегодня на поводу у официального Ташкента, вновь не выдержав политического давления со стороны всесильного Каримова, киргизское руководство ставит под угрозу суверенитет своей страны.

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ccording to Uzbekistan's government-controlled media, women are affectionate, gentle, obedient creatures, destined only to serve as loyal wives and mothers.

Though Uzbek authorities have signed various international charters defending the rights of women, they are keen to shoehorn them into their traditional roles in Uzbek society - all part of the government's promotion of the idea of Uzbek national identity which it has been peddling since the country's independence in 1991.

Encouraging women away from education and the workplace and back into the home is also convenient in an environment of social instability and high unemployment. The heavily censored media, which avoids any problematic issues such as the economy or human rights, is engaged in a relentless campaign to rewrite women's position in society.

Journalists say there's a need for a tighter rein on women's freedoms, arguing their problems can largely be traced to their own departure from the traditions of Uzbekistan's patriarchal society. Oila Va Jamiat, Family and Society, is typical of this sort of mindset. The paper publishes a huge number of letters from women concerning domestic violence. Only, the word "violence" never appears in their descriptions of physical and psychological abuse. And replies to the letters invariably manage to lay the blame on the victims.

One woman wrote in to complain about her husband's mistreatment, saying his family had encouraged him to ridicule and beat her. The paper picked up on the fact she already had a child before the marriage and that since the man had deigned to take the two of them in, she should therefore accept any treatment meted out to her.

Family and Society next featured a letter from a woman asking the paper about her rights as a mistress. The reply was written by a religious leader, describing in great detail the Islamic practice of taking a second wife, even though Uzbek law explicitly prohibits polygamy. Daringly, it seemed, in one issue, the publication encouraged girls in rural areas to take their education seriously. But the article ended with a warning.

"While studying, young girls should not get carried away and forget about their real role in life and maintain their true human qualities. If a girl is educated but lacks upbringing and tenderness when she enters her new home as a daughter-in-law, things will end badly."

According to the head of the Women's Resource Centre in Tashkent, Marfua Tokhtakhojieva, the constant demeaning of women in the press " condones the discrimination of women in the eyes of society, demoting them to second place behind their husband and other members of their family." Lawyer Munira Samarkhojaeva says the cumulative effect of this sort of press is a lowering of women's self-esteem and that, as a result, women have started to accept their subordinate position.

Many women are also very dubious about their worth on the job market, seeing employment as a measure forced on them by economic requirements and having little to do with their abilities. The situation is markedly worse in rural areas and the problem is exaggerated by the fact 60 per cent of the Uzbek population live outside of towns. In a recent survey, the Women's Resource Centre discovered that women here invariably considered education a handicap and marriage a priority above all else.

Samarkhojaeva is not surprised by the results of the survey, saying that they are entirely in keeping with the generally held belief that it is somehow wrong for a woman to be single or divorced - an idea evidently backed up by the media. "Society doesn't accept that women have a right to be single or divorced," said Samarkhojaeva. "As a result, many women will tolerate violence in order not to be seen as an outsider, since in society's opinion, violence does provide grounds for divorce."

According to Marfua Tokhtakhojieva, the government of Uzbekistan, which upholds the concept of a secular democratic society, may make a public show out of embracing policies of gender equality but, in reality, uses the media to promote precisely the opposite view.

And it's not just the state media that promotes the idea of women as mere home-makers, the independent press are often just as bad. "Women are liars by nature," wrote an editor in the independent newspaper Khurriat. "Men's natural quality is their strength while women's strength lies in their cunning. They are unable to command trust and people prefer to deal with men. It is precisely this natural cunning that bars them from becoming real leaders."

These attitudes are not helped by Uzbekistan's poor socio-economic position. Mass unemployment makes it convenient to exclude women from the workplace: especially from any position of authority. Domestic abuse is also a major problem. An estimated six out of ten women have suffered violence in the home, not just at the hands of husbands, but also other male members of the household. The same number suffers from anaemia and other widespread health problems.

But all of these issues are avoided by the Uzbek press. Of course, to a great extent, this is due to censorship but it's also true that journalists themselves believe in the image which they are propagating, failing to understand that in doing so they are facilitating the gradual acceptance of some antiquated notion of the past.

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Last month, Uzbekistan cut off gas supplies to Kyrgyzstan's industrial heartland and the resulting energy crisis sparked off angry protests in the streets of Bishkek. Kyrgyz negotiators who attended last week's border demarcation talks in the Batken oblast claim their Uzbek counterparts offered to restore normal gas supplies only if Bishkek agreed to territorial concessions.

The Kyrgyz delegation held its ground and the talks ended acrimoniously. Tashkent resorted to tough tactics in the face of Kyrgyz intransigence over the Uzbek enclave of Sokh. The Uzbeks want Bishkek to hand over the 10,000-hectare tract of land which separates Sokh from Uzbekistan.

Abdymadjit Abdyrakhmanov, deputy governor of the Batken oblast, said, "When the Kyrgyz delegation politely refused, the Uzbeks immediately proposed that Kyrgyzstan should hand over the main highway which links the enclave with Uzbekistan.

"At this point, they made repeated references to the Declaration on Everlasting Friendship Between Neighbours and called on us to understand the plight of people living in the Sokh enclave who experience huge difficulties with moving back and forth.

"On the face of it, this is only a couple of dozen kilometres of highway. But we are well aware that, if we hand it over to the Uzbeks, more than half of the Batken oblast will effectively become an enclave itself," explained Abdyrakhmanov.

The Kyrgyz delegates say they are unwilling to subject the region to the rigorous security regime which currently exists in Sokh, where checkpoints have been set up on every road and track leading out of Kyrgyzstan. However, the Uzbek authorities insist that they have been forced to tighten border controls in a bid to stem the flow of drugs, weapons and terrorists into the country.

Consequently, frustrated by the lack of progress in official negotiations, Tashkent played its trump card. Last month, the supply of gas to the Chui oblast - Kyrgyzstan's industrial heartland - was abruptly cut off. The Kyrgyz authorities assured local residents that this was due to a fault in the gas pipelines near Bukhara, caused by unusually harsh frosts. Experts say that the pipeline -- which dates from the Soviet era -- is also badly worn and poorly maintained.

Less than a week later, gas was restored to Uzbek towns across the border but, at the same time, the northern regions of Kyrgyzstan were hit simultaneously by a sudden cold snap and another massive drop in gas supplies. Consequently, there has been a dramatic increase in electricity consumption, putting an impossible burden on the Kyrgyz electricity network and causing major overloads in substations across the country.

The growing crisis has provoked angry protests in Bishkek. In one incident, 150 people, mainly pensioners, blockaded one of the capital's main arteries demanding that gas and heating be restored without delay. While the authorities in Bishkek affect to ignore Uzbekistan's adversarial tactics, parliamentary deputies are demanding the personal intervention of President Askar Akaev, pointing out that emergency meetings between energy chiefs and the vice prime-minister have failed to solve the crisis.

The deputies are infuriated by what they see as government indecision and an unwillingness to cross swords with the Uzbek authorities. Alisher Abdimomunov, a parliamentary deputy who took part in the recent negotiations, said the Uzbek demands were totally unacceptable. He said, "By cutting off the gas supply in the depths of winter, Uzbekistan is hardly behaving as a good neighbour should. I think they've got the false impression that we're flat broke and at the end of our tether.

"Just because they have a large population and oil and gas reserves, they think this gives them the right to claim political hegemony in the region. Apparently, they've forgotten that very soon millions of hectares of cotton will need to be watered."

Water may be the ace up Kyrgyzstan's sleeve. Kyrgyz prime minister Kurmanbek Bakiev has made it clear that, if Uzbekistan refuses to restore gas supplies, Kyrgyzstan will be forced to use more water from its reservoirs to increase production at its hydroelectric power stations. This will drastically reduce reserves which are already well below the annual average and on which Uzbekistan relies to irrigate crops in the Fergana Valley. It was a tactic that worked well in December 1999, when Uzbekistan cut off the gas supply to Kyrgyzstan for 20 days in an effort to recover bad debts.

On that occasion, the Kyrgyz authorities opened up the sluices at the hydroelectric dams and Uzbekistan, alarmed by the drop in water levels, swiftly restored the gas supply. And, in 2000, Bishkek managed to persuade Tashkent to reduce the cost of gas from $0.50 to $0.42 per 1,000 cubic metres.

This year, however, the Uzbek government has dragged its feet over the signing of a gas supply contract. All the official documents have duly been dispatched to Tashkent but no reply has been forthcoming. Most observers agree that the current crisis will force the Kyrgyz government to review the possibility of charging neighbouring republics for the use of water from its reservoirs. It is a topic which both Uzbekistan and Kazakstan studiously avoid but recent events may spur the Bishkek government into action.

But there are other factors in the energy equation. Uzbekistan is currently operating a number of oil and gas fields in the Batken region - fields which legally belong to Kyrgyzstan. Under an agreement signed by the CIS states in 1992, former Soviet republics can claim ownership of any Soviet power plants located on their territory prior to December 1, 1990.

However, the Kyrgyz government of the time acknowledged that it did not have the resources to operate the fields and invited the Uzbek government to take temporary control. Experts in the Batken oblast administration believe this decision has cost Kyrgyzstan at least $200 million in lost revenue. However, at the recent meeting in Batken, Uzbek negotiators categorically refused to discuss the issue.

For now, it looks like Kyrgyzstan's threat to retaliate by cutting off water in the event of Uzbekistan continuing to exert pressure seems to have worked. Evidence of this came on February 26, when officials from both countries agreed on a resumption of Uzbek gas supplies to northern Kyrgyzstan and the provision of water for Uzbekistan's irrigation. After the talks, Tashkent sought to play down its original ultimatum, saying the only reason it had cut off gas supplies was because it had been experiencing technical problems.

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