he Union of Myanmar and the Republic of Uzbekistan, being desirous to establish relations of friendship and mutually beneficial cooperation on the basis of principles of the Charter of the United Nations and norms of the international law and in accordance with the Vienna Conventions on Diplomatic Relations and on Consular Relations, have decided to establish diplomatic relations between the two states on 8 February 2001.

Top

инюст Узбекистана оспорил правомочность и отозвал с исполнения утвержденный республиканскими министерствами финансов, макроэкономики и статистики "Порядок переоценки основных фондов по состоянию на 1 января 2001 года".

Согласно этому документу, предприятия и организации всех форм собственности Узбекистана должны были провести переоценку основных фондов, увеличив их в пределах от 5,5 до 27,5 раза. Именно с такой невероятно возросшей суммы основных фондов пришлось бы платить налоги, и в самое ближайшее время тысячи предприятий стали бы неплатежеспособными, отмечают в Минюсте, подчеркивая при этом недопустимость "получать дополнительные деньги в бюджет любыми средствами".

Документ был отозван из-за того, что представившие его структуры не соблюли необходимых формальностей. Однако в Минюсте не исключили, что он может быть внесен вторично.

Top

сновная библиотека Академии наук Узбекистана с сегодняшнего дня полностью автоматизирована.

Как сообщили РИА "Новости" в пресс-службе библиотечной ассоциации Узбекистана, в библиотеке автоматизированы все основные функции - от каталогизации и комплектования до обслуживания читателей. Создана локальная сеть из 25 персональных компьютеров, имеющая выход в Интернет. Время поиска информации по сравнению с карточным каталогом сократилось до 200 раз.

Модельная автоматизированная библиотека разработана сотрудниками библиотечной ассоциации Узбекистана по гранту Института "Открытое общество" фонда содействия Узбекистану /фонд Сороса/.

Главная библиотека Академии наук Узбекистана стала первой в Центральной Азии электронной библиотекой.

Top

Как пояснили в аппарате главы азербайджанского государства, Гейдар Алиев не сможет принять участие в саммите в эти сроки, так как 8-9 марта он планирует выехать в город Туркменбаши на встречу лидеров прикаспийских стран.

На саммите в Ялте предполагалось подписание оглашения о создании свободной экономической зоны на пространстве ГУУАМ, а также консульской конвенции и положения о статусе представительства организации в Киеве.

Top

uch that surrounds the movements of Juma Namangani and his band of radical Islamic fighters remains shrouded in mystery. The forces of the Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan (IMU) have reportedly returned to their bases in Afghanistan, after making a foray into Tajikistan. But it remains unclear how Namangani-s fighters manage to cross international borders with relative ease. It may be that Namangani is being used as a pawn in a shadowy geopolitical game involving Tajikistan, Uzbekistan and perhaps other countries in the region.

The location of Namangani remains a matter of dispute. Sources closely connected to former field commanders of the United Tajik Opposition (UTO) say militants were flown by helicopters from Tavildara, presumably to Afghanistan. But no source has been able to confirm that Namangani himself was among those airlifted back to Afghanistan. It is also unclear whether all the IMU fighters in Tajikistan, or only a portion, were included in the airlift.

According to local sources, Namangani-s decision to move his forces from Afghanistan into Tajikistan was related in part to the ongoing instability in northern Afghanistan, where the Taliban is battling forces led by Ahmad Shah Masood-s Northern Alliance for territorial control. Given the fighting and the drought conditions in the region, IMU fighters apparently wanted to seek out a more stable living and training environment. The sources say anywhere from several hundred to several thousand IMU militants crossed the border into Tajikistan.

In Tajikistan, both government and opposition figures are tight-lipped when it comes to discussing Namangani and his maneuvers. In particular, no one seems willing to comment on how the IMU crossed the border. However, local experts say the IMU could not have infiltrated Tajikistan unnoticed. That invites the questions: Who provided logistical assistance to the IMU, and what was the motivation?

An obvious suspect would be Namangani-s former companions-in-arms from the UTO. But local observers say UTO leaders do not possess sufficient influence to arrange safe passage across the Afghan-Tajik for the IMU. It is also significant that it was the UTO leader, Islamic Revival Party leader Abdullo Nuri, who was first to disclose that IMU fighters has returned in force to Tajikistan. In a January 2 interview with Radio Liberty, Nuri expressed concern over the presence of such a large number of IMU militants, saying it posed a threat to the tenuous peace in Tajikistan.

At the same time, Nuri stressed that former UTO leaders were not responsible for facilitating the IMU migration. He said that "those who are responsible for the protection of the border, and security forces, are to blame for this." Under the scenario outlined by Nuri, it is unclear whether Tajik or Russian border guards helped the IMU move into Tajikistan. Local observers say both Tajik and Russian border guards have a motive to help the IMU. In the case of the Tajik government, granting the IMU free passage could be a way to exert pressure on Uzbekistan to extradite the Tajik renegade military commander Colonel Mahmud Khudoberdyyev. Meanwhile, Russia might have sanctioned Namangani-s move into Tajikistan as part of its complicated geopolitical game in the region, hoping to compel Uzbekistan to stop its exploratory dialogue with the Taliban, and fall back into line with Moscow-s stance on Afghanistan. In addition, the possibility of outright bribery cannot be excluded. According to media reports, Namangani has ample funds to buy safe passage.

Tajik government officials have been reluctant to confirm the presence of IMU militants on Tajik territory. Two government commissions formed especially to address this issue have reportedly found no evidence of an IMU presence in the Tavildara.

Recent developments involving Tajikistan and Uzbekistan may provide an explanation for Namangani-s movements. Bilateral relations have been frosty of late, due mainly to differences connected to IMU activities. On January 31, Tajik President Imomali Rahmonov and his Uzbek counterpart, Islam Karimov held telephone talks that government press aides and local media said focused on economic and trade issues. But local experts say that, given developments, the two presidents doubtless also discussed the IMU. Whatever the substance of the talks, relations seem to have improved since the telephone conversation. Namangani-s forces, of course, have reportedly moved back into Afghanistan. Meanwhile, Tajik officials report that delivery of Uzbek gas has improved, helping to ease an energy crunch in Tajikistan.

Experts suggest that Namangani-s incursion may have prompted Uzbekistan to reevaluate its policies concerning Tajikistan, leaving Tashkent more receptive to the idea of compromise with Dushanbe. It is also interesting to note that the Tajik parliament has started debate on a Tajik-Uzbek extradition agreement signed last summer during Islam Karimov's visit to Dushanbe. Ultimately, there may be a quid pro quo between Tajikistan and Uzbekistan: In exchange for Namangani-s departure, Dushanbe may receive Khudoberdyyev.

Top

efugees fleeing the Afghan war and poverty-stricken Tajikistan can expect a frosty reception in neighbouring Uzbekistan. "The air here is the same as in my native Mazar-i-Sharif," said one newly arrived Afghan delightedly -- but his joy was short-lived. Most refugees quickly discover that life across the border is one of grinding poverty and constant police harassment. Here they are personae non grata, caught between the devil and deep blue sea.

In contrast to the other Central Asian countries, Uzbekistan has not signed a convention drawn up by the United Nations High Commission for Refugees in 1951 and refuses to recognise refugee status. Consequently, all displaced people are illegal immigrants who can be arrested or deported at any time - especially in the current atmosphere of official paranoia inspired by the terrorist bomb attacks of 1999 and the recent Islamic militant activity on the Uzbek border.

"Who can guarantee that there are no terrorists or religious extremists amongst the refugees?" said Akhtam Tursunov, chairman of Uzbekistan's defence and security committee." In general, we're not against signing [the UN convention] but we want to know what kind of people are in our country and what they're doing here."

The government also argues that, against the backdrop of severe economic hardships, it has few resources to spare for unwanted guests. Currently, the refugees' only hope of salvation is the UNHCR office in Tashkent. Opened in 1993, the branch office is committed to protecting the rights of Uzbekistan's refugees as well as granting them official refugee status. The UNHCR representation also provides some medical help and small subsidies for the most vulnerable displaced people.

Over the past year, the Tashkent office has provided documentation to 1,035 people - 1,031 Afghans, three Azerbaijanis and one Tajik. However, the UNHCR papers are not recognised by the Uzbek government and offer the refugees almost no legal rights. In the past, bearers have been jailed by the police and only released after the commission interceded on their behalf.

Nor does refugee status give the bearer the right to work in Uzbekistan where unemployment is currently at an all-time high. Farahnaz Abdul Kabir fled Kabul in 1995. "We didn't think the Taleban would survive for long," she said. "That's why we decided to settle in neighbouring Uzbekistan in the hope that we'd be able to return in the near future."

However, Kabir and her five children have been forced to remain in the former Soviet republic while her husband has returned to Afghanistan in search of work. Like most Afghan refugee families, they live in abject poverty, surviving mainly on meagre handouts from the UNHCR. "We have to find the money ourselves for rent and communal services," said Kabir who hopes the UNHCR will eventually be able to relocate her family to another country.

Charlotte Altenhoner, a legal advisor for the high commission, says that, although Uzbekistan has not signed the 1951 convention, it is obliged to protect the rights of refugees according to international protocol. In addition, under the umbrella of the Commonwealth of Independent States, Uzbekistan has signed a number of agreements aimed at "helping refugees and displaced persons as well as the victims of armed conflicts".

To find long-term solutions to the refugee problem, the UNHCR also works to repatriate refugees or find them a temporary home in other countries. Between 1998 and 1999, the commission helped to repatriate around 5,000 refugees who fled Tajik civil war. The Tashkent office expects to find alternative accommodation for another 130 by the end of this year.

The UNHCR also works closely with a range of government agencies and NGOs. A joint initiative with the Uzbek government has given refugee children the opportunity to study in local schools. And the NGO, Khaet Yollari (Roads of Life), runs free courses to teach Afghan children their native languages - Dari and Pushtu - as well as Russian, English and Uzbek.

Despite the host of problems which face refugees in Uzbekistan, the former Soviet republic still continues to be a destination of choice for hundreds of displaced people. According to recent UNHCR figures, a further 1,124 immigrants have applied for refugee status in recent months, including 602 Afghans, 509 Tajiks, 10 Azerbaijanis, two Bosnians and one Russian. Umo Azizi, an Afghan from Kabul, says that she feels at home in Uzbekistan. "Here I don't feel that I am far from my homeland," she explained. "The Uzbeks are very hospitable and the bazaars are full of fresh fruit and vegetables all year round.

" But the state will never recognise us. It won't give us Uzbek passports and my children are growing up. Soon they should be studying and finding work. We are considering moving on."

Manzura, a local Uzbek, commented, "It's hard enough for the Uzbek population here and our state doesn't care about us. So what hope can there be for refugees from abroad?"

Top

The rich history of Uzbekistan ensures a steady stream of intrepid visitors keen to explore ancient cities like Samarkand, Bukhara, Khiva and Shakhrisabz. In 1999, according to the state agency Uzbektourism, 274,000 foreign tourists visited the country, generating US$ 25.5 million in hard currency. Last year, the number is said to have risen by 30,000, generating an extra US $2 million.

But this is just a drop in the ocean of the global tourism industry, now worth US$ 500-600 billion a year. The United States earns an annual US$ 45 billion. And Turkey generates US$ 16-20 billion a year. European countries like France, UK, Italy and Germany earn about US$ 15-16 billion from tourism annually. Even in other CIS countries, revenues are substantial - amounting to US$ 8.5 billion in Russia and US$ 6.5 billion in Ukraine. Uzbek President Islam Karimov understands this and wants a bigger slice of the pie. He has taken personal responsibility for the development of tourism and wants it to start bringing the country greater profits.

"While studying the experience of other countries, we realised that tourism can increase revenue flowing into the country, thus helping the economy," said Nemat Abdulaev, First Deputy Chairman of Uzbektourism. Karimov has cultural resources to match his ambitions. According to UzbekTourism, the country has more than 4,000 sites of great tourist interest and potential.

In Samarkand, the capital of the 14th century Mogul warlord Tamerlane, ancient mosques decorated with complex sky-blue mosaics abound and his mausoleum, the blue-domed Gur-Emir, remains one of the finest examples of Islamic craftsmanship. Bukhara, with a history dating back more than 2,500 years, also has a wealth of fine mosques and palaces, while Khiva, where Ghengis Khan once held sway, has been called an outdoor museum.

But to explore these wonders, tourists have to endure poor service, constant problems with the lack of hygiene in food preparation, little information in their own languages and restrictions on their movement. "We are impressed by the historic heritage of Samarkand, but, unfortunately, there are some deficiencies in service," said Steve Khan, a tourist from the United States.

"It is difficult to obtain information in English about tourist attractions and the work of guides and interpreters is not organized properly."

Tourists complain of low standards at Uzbekistan's airports, where long customs procedures and document checks are a commonplace. Food is also a problem. Many tourists say that they would have tried Uzbek national cuisine in traditional "chaikhanas" (tea-houses), but they are concerned that these places do not satisfy acceptable norms of hygiene.

In recent years, several luxurious hotels have been built, where a night's accommodation costs up to US$ 240. But if a tourist should want a less expensive option, he will not even be guaranteed cold water to wash with. Running water is often limited to certain parts of the day even at established tourist sites. Uzbektourism's Abdulaev agrees that the tourism infrastructure in Uzbekistan is not developed properly. Over the next four years, he says the government plans to build smaller hotels, renovate the country's airports, maintain roads and highways, improve telephone lines, and buy modern large buses and mini-vans to carry small groups of tourists.

But so far, these remain just plans and tourists have to struggle to see the historic sights of Uzbekistan. In addition to infrastructure problems, Uzbekistan's worsening political situation is also likely to put off tourists. After the Tashkent bombings in 1999 when 16 people died and a number of governmental buildings were destroyed, some western countries warned their nationals not to travel to Uzbekistan.

The armed group the Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan, IMU, whose leaders were accused of being behind the bombings, declared war on the Tashkent authorities, with the aim of establishing a Moslem state in the country. Later that year, they launched armed incursions into Kyrgyzstan demanding a corridor into Uzbek territory. Some members of the group penetrated deep into Uzbek territory, clashing with troops just 100 km from Tashkent.

The chairman of UzbekTourism, Bakhtior Khusanbaev, has tried to put a brave face on the militant threat, claiming the IMU's activities have not led to a significant fall in the number of tourists visiting the country. "The incursions are limited to remote mountainous areas where there are no tourists," he said. That may be the case, but the Uzbek authorities have nonetheless been forced to introduce stricter security measures which has meant that independent travel in the country is virtually impossible.

Top

Возможность выдачи бен Ладена была высказана в ходе переговоров главы МВД Пакистана с руководством талибов. Переговоры проходили в Афганистане. "Талибы готовы осуществить его экстрадицию в третьи страны с тем, чтобы там состоялся справедливый суд", - заявил пресс-секретарь министерства.

Под справедливым судом талибы понимают прежде всего суд исламский. Об этом уже высказывался и глава пакистанского государства Первез Мушарраф, заявляя, что выдача возможна, "если суд состоится в Пакистане или Египте, а судьями будут улемы - доктора исламского богословия и законности".

Напомним, Усама бен Ладен разыскивается американским правосудием по обвинению в организации взрывов посольств Соединенных Штатов в столицах Кении и Танзании в 1998 году. В результате терактов тогда погибли 224 человека. "Террорист номер один" обвиняется также во взрыве эсминца военно-морских сил США "Коул" в порту Адена (Йемен) в октябре прошлого года. Тогда погибли 17 американских военнослужащих.

Присутствие на территории Афганистана бен Ладена и тренировочных лагерей его наемников обходится талибам все дороже. Им и без того приходится вести кропопролитную борьбу за власть в стране с войсками оппозиционного Северного альянса во главе с Ахмад Шахом Масудом. А тут еще по предложению США и России Совет безопасности Организации объединенных наций принял в декабре резолюцию об ужесточении санкций против режима "Талибана". Введены запреты на военную помощь талибам, на зарубежные поездки лидеров "Талибана", на поставки в Афганистан веществ, применяемых при производстве героина, ограничено авиационное сообщение с этой страной.

Теперь талибы пытаются добиться уступок, предлагая судить бен Ладена по исламским законам. Пойдут ли США на эту сделку, станет ясно уже в ближайшее время. России же выгодно любое продвижение в деле "террориста номер один": бен Ладен, по данным Генштаба, оказывает помощь бандформированиям в Чечне деньгами и наемниками.

Top

scheduled meeting of the Kazakh-Uzbek interstate commission on border delimitation has been held in Tashkent. The topographical group has defined 194 kilometres of the border since the commission was set up. The members of the commission's working group briefed journalists today about the settled areas on the border.

According to the members of the interstate commission on Kazakh-Uzbek borders who had returned from the meeting of the interstate commission, the work on defining the frontier between the states is moving along at a normal pace. The special Kazakh-Uzbek working groups have held eight meetings so far and the two countries' topographers and land-surveyers have delimited and mapped 194 kilometres. This survey, which started from the point where the Kyrgyz-Uzbek-Kazakh borders meet, stopped five kilometres from Bagys settlement [on the borders of South Kazakhstan Region and Uzbekistan], the head of the working group from Kazakhstan, Vladimir Kirilov, said. This was because, according to old [Soviet period] maps, the border crosses through this very village, which is inhabited by Kazakh citizens.

Almurat Turgambekov, member of special working group on border delimitation: "The main documents on the basis of which we carry out the delimitation, as Kirilov said, are the resolutions adopted by the Supreme Soviet of the Kazakh SSR and of Uzbek SSR and also by the Supreme Soviet of the USSR in 1956, 1963 and 1971. These are the main documents. These three documents are the documents which indicate how the border lines should run."

The fact that the border crosses through the courtyards of inhabitants of Bagys village was a topographical mistake made half a century ago. The Kazakh-Uzbek borders were adopted by special resolutions in 1956, 1963 and 1971. The specialists defined the landmarks in 1963 on the basis of a map drawn in the 1940s, at a time when there was no settlement called Bagys on the map. There was no chance of correcting the mistakes during the Soviet period. Time itself has revealed the problems, which so far have been hushed up. However, the old Soviet period irresponsiblity will have no adverse effect on the new political relations and border definitions, the members of the working group on border delimitation say.

Turgambekov: "This cannot be called a disputed area between the two countries at all. A certain amount of work on defining some of the sectors is being carried out now. There are no disputed areas or sectors between the two states or between the two delegations. Nor will there be."

There is also confidence that Bagys settlement in the border Saryagach District will remain on Kazakh territory. This all depends on the interstate commission's ability to find a common language.

Top